| Abstracts of Selected Publications
Abstract: Previous epidemiological studies have associated silicofluoride-treated community
water with enhanced child blood lead parameters. Chronic, low-level dosage of silicofluoride
(SiF) has never been adequately tested for health effects in humans. We report here on a
statistical study of 151,225 venous blood lead (VBL) tests taken from children ages 0-6
inclusive, living in 105 communities of populations from 15,000 to 75,000. The tests are part
of a sample collected by the New York State Department of ChildrenŐs Health, mostly from
1994-1998. Community fluoridation status was determined from the CDC 1992 Fluoridation
Census. Covariates were assigned to each community using the 1990 U.S. Census. Blood lead
measures were divided into groups based on race and age. Logistic regressions were carried
out for each race/age group, as well as above and below the median of 7 covariates to test
the relationship between known risk factors for lead uptake, exposure to SiF-treated water,
and VBL >10µg/dL. RESULTS: For every age/race group, there was a consistently significant
association of SiF treated community water and elevated blood lead. Logistic regressions
above and below the median value of seven covariates show an effect of silicofluoride on
blood lead independent of those covariates. The highest likelihood of children having
VBL>10µg/dL occurs when they are both exposed to SiF treated water and likely to be subject
to another risk-factor known to be associated with high blood lead (e.g., old housing). Results are
consistent with prior analyses of surveys of childrenŐs blood lead in Massachusetts and
NHANES III. These data contradict the null hypothesis that there is no difference between the toxic effects of SiF and sodium fluoride, pointing to the need for chemical studies and comprehensive animal testing of water treated with commercial grade silicofluorides.
Although millions of Americans take psychoactive medicines (e.g., Prozac and Ritalin), few social scientists believe biological theories and findings should be integrated with reearch on human behavior. Four topics illustrate current studies linking politics and the life sciences. (a) Developments in genetics and medicine indicate that governmental policies have greatly underrated the dangers posed by radiation and the social transformations that will result from DNA sequencing. (b) research on brain structures and neurochmistry shows how toxic chemicals undermine normal emotions and behavior. Heavy metal burdens are higher in violent criminals, and exposure to these toxins is significantly correlated with rates of violence (controlling for socioeconomic, ethnic, and demographic factors). (c) An untested chemical used to treat water supplied to140 million Americans significantly increases both odds of dangerous lead uptake and behavioral dysfunctions in children and adults. (d) The complexity of gene-environment interactions challenges accepted theories of gender, sociopolitical inequalities, ethnocentrism, and history. Such research in biopolitics can illuminate policy controversies in education, substance abuse, and crime. Complementary one-time access to this article in Annual Review of Politics Science, as a PDF File for your own personal use, is available at: http://polisci.annualreviews.org/cgi/content/full/4/1/345?ijkey=0K1GnNcUKf2Gg&keytype=ref&siteid-arjournals< |
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Machiavelli, Leonardo and the Science
of Power The end of the cold war, the eruption of violent nationalism, and the settlement of seemingly intractable conflicts suggest it is necessary to rethink our basic theories of human nature and society. Marxism seems to have failed, but Lockean liberalism doesn't describe the world either. I've used Machiavelli as a focus to reexamine the central issues of politics in the coming century. The manuscript is unusual in combining textual analysis of The Prince (political theory), the life experiences of Machiavelli and Leonardo da Vinci (history), and contemporary scientific studies of human social behavior (ethology, political psychology, and evolutionary theory). The book starts by arguing that "modern" Western civilization is unique because no other culture (including classical antiquity) integrated a rational science of nature with continued technological innovation to facilitate human life. Then, I combine a careful reading of the texts with evidence of Machiavelli's practical experience as a statesman -- and especially his work with Leonardo between 1503 and 1507 -- to interpret The Prince as a coherent, scientific theory of human nature. Although it is hardly novel to argue that Machiavelli favored republican government based on law, my interpretation goes further to show why he and Leonardo symbolize the changes that led to modern society in the 17th and 18th centuries. Because Machiavelli's political theory has a claim to scientific accuracy, contemporary ethology, political psychology, and evolutionary theory can be used to test Machiavelli's understanding of human nature. This survey shows that, on scientific grounds, Machiavelli is far superior to virtually all modern philosophers after him. Unlike such thinkers as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, or Marx, Machiavelli's basic principles of human behavior are not only accurate, but of renewed importance in the politics of the television age. In this part of the book, research on how viewers respond when watching leaders on television is combined with field studies of primates to offer an analysis of the nature and role of leadership (an obviously crucial element of politics that other many modern theorists relegate to secondary importance). The book concludes with an analysis of Leonardo's contribution to the origins of modern science, technology and politics. I argue that the flaw of modern thought can be traced to the excessive optimism of Hobbes and other 17th century theorists, who thought modern science and technology could ultimately produce a total control of natural necessity. When the resulting belief in historical progress seems unfulfilled, inevitable pessimism and self-doubt can lead to totalitarian regimes of the right or the left; fears of such an outcome lie at the root of the contemporary intellectual climate of uncertainty. I end by recommending a return to Machiavelli's view of the proper education of leaders, showing how it is made particularly necessary by the tremendous power of the next generation of scientific and technological innovation. To put the thesis in a nutshell: our civilization faces a disaster unless we abandon the ideologies of left and right, returning to the more realistic, tough-minded assessment of human nature and history developed by Machiavelli. |
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Collected Writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau Although Jean-Jacques Rousseau is a significant figure in the Western tradition, there is no standard edition of his major writings available in English. Unlike those of other thinkers of comparable stature, moreover, many of Rousseau's important works either have never been translated or have become unavailable. The present edition of the Collected Writings of Rousseau is intended to meet this need. Our goal is to produce a series that can provide a standard reference for scholarship that is accessible to all those wishing to read broadly in the corpus of Rousseau's work. To this end, the translations seek to combine care and faithfulness to the original French text with readability in English. Although, as every translator knows, there are often passages where it is impossible to meet this criterion, readers of a thinker and writer of Rousseau's stature deserve texts that have not been deformed by the interpretive bias of the translators or editors. Wherever possible, existing translations of high quality have been used, although in some cases the editors have felt minor revisions were necessary to maintain the accuracy and consistency of the English versions. Where there was no English translation (or none of sufficient quality), a new translation has been prepared. Each text is supplemented by editorial notes that clarify Rousseau's references and citations or passages otherwise not intelligible. Although these notes do not provide as much detail as is found in the critical apparatus of the Pléiade edition of the Ouevres complètes, the English-speaking reader should nevertheless have in hand the basis for a more careful and compre-hensive understanding of Rousseau than has hitherto been possible. The Collected Writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, edited by Roger D. Masters and Christopher Kelly (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1990-present). Rousseau, Judge of Jean-Jacques, Vol. 1: trans. Judith R. Bush, Roger D. Masters, and Christopher Kelly (1990). Discourse on the Sciences and Arts (First Discourse) and Polemics, Vol. 2: trans. Judith R. Bush, Roger D. Masters, and Christopher Kelly (1992). Discourse on the Origins of Inequality (Second Discourse). Polemics, and Political Economy, Vol. 3: trans. Judith R. Bush, Roger D. Masters, Christopher Kelly, and Terence Marshall (1993) Social Contract, with Discourse on Virtue of Heroes, Political Fragments,and Geneva Manuscript, Vol. 4: trans. Judith R. Bush, Roger D. Masters, and Christopher Kelly (1994) The Confessions and Correspondence, Including the letters to Malesherbes, Vol. 5: trans. Christopher Kelly (1996). Julie or the New Heloise, Vol. 6: trans Philip Stewart and Jean Vaché (1997) Forthcoming: Essay on the Origin of Languages, and Writings on Music, Vol. 7. trans. John T. Scott (1998). For Commentary, See Also: Roger D. Masters, The Political Philosophy of Rousseau (Princeton: Princeton University |
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Fortune
is a River (Free Press, 1998) The end of the cold war, the eruption of violent nationalism, and the settlement of seemingly intractable conflicts suggest it is necessary to rethink our basic theories of human nature and society. Marxism seems to have failed, but Lockean liberalism doesn't describe the world either. I've used Machiavelli as a focus to reexamine the central issues of politics in the coming century. The manuscript is unusual in combining textual analysis of The Prince (political theory), the life experiences of Machiavelli and Leonardo da Vinci (history), and contemporary scientific studies of human social behavior (ethology, political psychology, and evolutionary theory). The book starts by arguing that "modern" Western civilization is unique because no other culture (including classical antiquity) integrated a rational science of nature with continued technological innovation to facilitate human life. Then, I combine a careful reading of the texts with evidence of Machiavelli's practical experience as a statesman -- and especially his work with Leonardo between 1503 and 1507 -- to interpret The Prince as a coherent, scientific theory of human nature. Although it is hardly novel to argue that Machiavelli favored republican government based on law, my interpretation goes further to show why he and Leonardo symbolize the changes that led to modern society in the 17th and 18th centuries. Because Machiavelli's political theory has a claim to scientific accuracy, contemporary ethology, political psychology, and evolutionary theory can be used to test Machiavelli's understanding of human nature. This survey shows that, on scientific grounds, Machiavelli is far superior to virtually all modern philosophers after him. Unlike such thinkers as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, or Marx, Machiavelli's basic principles of human behavior are not only accurate, but of renewed importance in the politics of the television age. In this part of the book, research on how viewers respond when watching leaders on television is combined with field studies of primates to offer an analysis of the nature and role of leadership (an obviously crucial element of politics that other many modern theorists relegate to secondary importance). The book concludes with an analysis of Leonardo's contribution to the origins of modern science, technology and politics. I argue that the flaw of modern thought can be traced to the excessive optimism of Hobbes and other 17th century theorists, who thought modern science and technology could ultimately produce a total control of natural necessity. When the resulting belief in historical progress seems unfulfilled, inevitable pessimism and self-doubt can lead to totalitarian regimes of the right or the left; fears of such an outcome lie at the root of the contemporary intellectual climate of uncertainty. I end by recommending a return to Machiavelli's view of the proper education of leaders, showing how it is made particularly necessary by the tremendous power of the next generation of scientific and technological innovation. To put the thesis in a nutshell: our civilization faces a disaster unless we abandon the ideologies of left and right, returning to the more realistic, tough-minded assessment of human nature and history developed by Machiavelli.
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