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Politics and Punishment
According to Dostoevsky's biographers, Petrashevsky first approached
Dostoevsky with great fanfare on Nevsky
Prospekt and asked him what the subject of his next story
would be.
Petrashevsky was a tremendously influential figure. He had a "circle"
of young followers who met at his house off of Potrovsky Square
to discuss the overthrow of the current social order. Petrashevsky
aggressively criticized the reign of Nicholas I, calling for the
abolition of serfdom, the reformation of the courts, and freedom
of the press. Petrashevsky's views were extreme: "We have sentenced
the present social order to death," he is often quoted as saying.
"Now we must carry out that sentence."
Petrashevsky was a follower of Fourier,
the anti-capitalist, French utopian philosopher who proposed a romantic
solution to social problems. Key to Fourier's utopia was the concept
of the "phalanx" - a joint agrarian/industrial association
for community life, where concerts, dances, and readings would be
held. Fourier argued that such a center would teach people of all
walks of life to live together in harmony. A strong sense of community
would bring people to love their work and their fellow man.
Dostoevsky never had revolutionary aspirations - that is, he never
wanted to overthrow, in bloody fashion, the existing government.
Fourier's ideas were not a threat to Russia's political structure;
rather, they inspired a revolution of the mind and spirit. This
sort of revolution interested Dostoevsky very much.
Dostoevsky wanted to form a different kind of circle - one whose
concern was art, not politics. He asked his friend Speshnev to help
him create the new circle. The two men had in common a belief in
the power of language. Dostoevsky wanted to use that power to inspire
utopia, not revolution. Speshnev, on the other hand, wanted to use
language to spread "socialism, atheism, and terrorism - everything
good in the world." Though he disagreed with Speshnev's ideas
about the use of language, Dostoevsky shared with Speshnev the belief
that freedom in language was essential to Russia's future. Accordingly,
Dostoevsky agreed to establish, with Speshnev, an underground press.
This relationship with Speshnev would prove to be Dostoevsky's undoing.
Scholars continue to debate Dostoevsky's involvement in the plottings
of Speshnev and his circle. What is clear is that Dostoevsky declared
that he'd found himself in a kind of devil's deal with Speshnev.
For several months at the end of 1848 and the beginning of 1849,
Dostoevsky was especially melancholy and agitated - so much so that
he visited his doctor to see if there was some organic source for
his malaise. His doctor found nothing, but was concerned for Dostoevsky
and asked him what was troubling him so. Dostoevsky told the doctor
that he had borrowed some money from his friend Speshnev - and in
doing so he had "a Mephistopheles"
of his own. He went on to tell the doctor that he could not repay
the debt. And even if he could, Speshnev was not the sort of man
to accept the repayment.
Joseph Frank believes that this final remark indicates that Dostoevsky's
debt to Speshnev was more than financial. Frank believes that Dostoevsky
had become involved in Speshnev's plot to revolt against the tsar
and did not know how to extricate himself. Perhaps he wasn't sure
that he wanted to extricate himself. At this time Dostoevsky was
overheard arguing bitterly with his brother Mikhail, who was committed
to Fourier's view that the new social order should be achieved through
peaceful means. In the argument, Dostoevsky told his brother that
he should read a book by Louis
Blanc, which advocated using force to implement social change.
From this conversation, Frank concludes that Dostoevsky had broken
with Fourier's views and was preparing to join Speshnev in his plot
against the tsar. However, in the view of other scholars, Dostoevsky's
extreme agitation over the very mention of Speshnev indicates that
it's likely that he was ambivalent about how far he was willing
to go.
The decision would never need to be made. Unbeknownst to the Petrashevsky
Circle, Tsar Nicholas had been watching them for fourteen months.
Events in Europe - in particular, the political uprisings in France-
had made Nicholas nervous. He mobilized troops but never sent them.
Instead, Nicholas turned his energies to his own country, putting
intellectuals and revolutionaries under surveillance. Arrests began.
In April 1849, Nicholas called for the arrest of all of the members
of the Petrashevsky Circle. Dostoevsky's name was on that list.
A little after four in the morning, on April 22, 1849, an officer
burst into Dostoevsky's room to tell him that he was under arrest.
A dazed Dostoevsky was taken immediately to the Peter and Paul Fortress,
where he was to be imprisoned while awaiting trial. Conditions at
the fortress were severe. The dim cells were damp with mould. Each
cell was far from the other, so that in solitary confinement prisoners
would feel utterly and entirely alone.
Oddly, Dostoevsky claimed that his time in Peter
and Paul Fortress was marked more by boredom than by anxiety
or despair. For three days he felt that his life was over; then
a feeling of calm descended on his soul. Some biographers say that
the certainty of the upcoming trial was preferable to the uncertainty
of the general paranoia that he had been feeling before his arrest.
Others believe that his calm indicated that he had embraced his
suffering and found strength in it.
In any case, Dostoevsky used his time in prison to read, write
letters, and make notes for books to come. He read voraciously whatever
books were sent him. He particularly requested the Bible, in several
translations; he rejoiced over a collection of Shakespeare; he admired
a serial publication of Jane Eyre. And he spent a good deal of time
writing his defense.
Dostoevsky was accused of four different charges:
1) As a former army office, he had listened to a story criticizing
the army without objection;
2) He had read a letter to the circle, from Belinsky to the famous
writer Gogol, which criticized the church and government;
3) He was in possession of an illegal printing press;
4) He was part of a plot to murder the tsar.
The last of the four accusations Dostoevsky denied, but to no avail.
In his written defense, he explained eloquently to his judges that
though he believed in free speech and the abolition of serfdom,
he was not seeking revolution. He further stated that Petrashevsky's
idol, Fourier, was not revolutionary; rather, Fourier claimed that
art, not revolution, held the power to bring a universal harmony
to man. Though he himself now believed that Fourier's ideas were
outdated and impossible to achieve, Dostoevsky continued to feel
that socialism - of a particularly Russian character - might be
the answer. He offers his own vision of what Russia might become:
All around us today, all whom life has trampled, all the worn-out
women and starving children, all the alcoholics, the dying villages,
and the cities' horrible poverty and diseases - all will disappear
into one jubilant hymn of unknown, unprecedented, universal and
boundless happiness!
[Leonid Grossman, Dostoevsky: A Biography, trans. Mary
Mackler (London: Bobbs-Merrill, 1974) 146]
His eloquence got him nowhere. The judges remained unmoved. They
wanted two things of their prisoners: 1) a sense of remorse, and
2) some new information about other subversive movements. Dostoevsky
gave them neither. He did not renounce his convictions, and he was
very concerned with protecting others. In the end, the judges sentenced
all of the members of the Petrashevsky circle to death by firing
squad. The prisoners were taken back to their cells to await their
execution.
On the 22 of December, 1849, a 28-year-old Dostoevsky was marched
out to face his death with the other members of the Petrashevsky
Circle. The morning was cold; the wind was howling so fiercely that
Dostoevsky could barely hear as each man's name was called and his
sentence read. The first three were called up to the line: Petrashevsky
and two others. Dostoevsky was in the second group and stood watching
as his three friends faced their executioners. The order was given
for the soldiers to load their guns. A second order was given -
which Petrashevsky refused - to lower the hoods on the prisoners'
eyes. A third order was given to take aim. And then came a long
silence.
At first, Dostoevsky did not understand what was happening - or
not happening. And then, by the order of Tsar Nicholas, the death
sentence was commuted, and the prisoners were instead sentenced
to prison in Siberia. The prisoners accepted the news differently.
Some were resentful; others rejoiced; one, Grigoryev, lost an already
tenuous grip on his sanity. As for their leader, Petrashevsky: when
the guards put on his chains, Petrashevsky grabbed the hammer and
began to rivet the shackles with his own hands, mutilating himself
in the process.
For Dostoevsky, the moment of reprieve was a resurrection. Having
stood face to face with death, he was ready to embrace life - even
life in exile. Dostoevsky related his feelings about the ordeal
in the often-printed letter to his brother:
Life is a gift, life is happiness, every minute will be an eternity
of happiness! Si jeunesse savait! [If youth only knew!]...My brother,
I do not feel despondent and have not lost heart. Life is life
everywhere. Life is in ourselves and not outside us. There will
be men beside me [in prison], and the important thing is to be
a man among men and to remain a man always, whatever the misfortunes,
not to despair and not to fall - that is the aim of life, that
is its purpose. I realize this now. The idea has entered into
my flesh and my blood. Yes, that is the truth! ...I have still
got my heart and the same flesh and blood which can love and suffer
and pity and remember, and that is also life. Never before have
I felt such abundant and healthy reserves of spiritual life in
me as now...
[Joseph Frank, The Years of Ordeal (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1990) 62-63. Quoted from Dostoevsky's Pisma,
I: 129 - 131.]
Read on: Life in Exile
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